Obama is more than intelligence and serenity to his rival McCain, contends Fidel Castro.

With the "deep racism" U.S. "pure miracle" have not killed the Democrat, said.

Havana, Oct. 12. Fidel Castro re-emphasized the qualities of the U.S. Democrat presidential candidate Barack Obama, this time to say that "exceeds in intelligence and serenity" to Republican John McCain, but the former Cuban president still does not react to the announced intention of the senator from Illinois to try a dialogue with Havana "without preconditions".

On May 26 Castro had said that Obama is "in terms of social and human, the most advanced candidate" presidential in the United States, but rejected most of the Democrat's policy toward the island.

This Sunday, former Cuban president said in an article in the "deep racism" of the United States, "pure miracle" Obama has not been assassinated, as black leaders Martin Luther King and Malcolm X four decades ago. "It also has the habit of looking at the opponent calmly and laugh at the predicament of a dialectical opponent that looks toward the void." Castro, 82 years and absent from public life due to illness since July 2006, spent five comments to McCain last February and then another in June.

In the same line of disqualifications, on Sunday added that the Republican "cultivates its reputation as bellicose man, was one of the worst students in his course at West Point. I did not know anything about math, according confesses and is presumably much less the complicated economics. " Then he said that "what McCain are more plentiful in the years and his health is not at all sure."

So evoked the "eventual possibility" that if the Republican triumph and dies or becomes incapacitated, would be replaced by "inexperienced" candidate for the vice presidency, Sarah Palin. In his article in May, Castro had said that "would make a huge favor to his adversaries" to defend if Obama, but are clear about their praise for the Democrats and their attacks on McCain, a scheme that in some nuclei, such as the anti-radical Florida, can be a weapon election of Republicans.

The official newspaper Granma is registering the campaign with a tone remarkably measured and analytical, not shrapnel from the usual adjectives that official propaganda, through articles of the experienced diplomat and former head of the Cuban Interests Section in Washington (1977-1989 ), Ramon Sanchez-Parodi.

In a speech in Miami in May, Obama made it so far is his most detailed presentation on his eventual policy toward Cuba, which includes the formula of "direct diplomacy, both with friends and with adversaries, without preconditions." Although still short of election results and the actual performance of the future head of the White House, this passage is related to the claim, repeated by President Raúl Castro on July 26, 2007, that if Washington decides to maintain the confrontation "or accepts that the olive branch extended (December 2006), when we reaffirm the willingness to discuss on an equal footing the prolonged dispute.

"Later, on July 31, 2007, Fidel Castro wrote that "nobody makes the slightest illusion that the empire, which carries with it the genes of its own destruction, will negotiate with Cuba." In his article last May, Fidel Obama rejected the intention of prolonging the economic blockade and acid reaction to the Democrat's pledge to release travel to the island by Cubans residing in the United States, as well as sending remittances to their relatives Now all this under significant restrictions.

"The candidate Obama's speech can be translated into a formula of hunger for the nation, remittances as alms and the visits to Cuba in propaganda for consumerism and the unsustainable way of life that sustains it," he said then, Fidel Castro.

Obama supera en inteligencia y serenidad a su rival McCain, sostiene Fidel Castro

Gerardo Arreola (Corresponsal) La Jornada.

Con el “profundo racismo” de EU, “de puro milagro” no han asesinado al demócrata, dice.

La Habana, 12 de octubre. Fidel Castro volvió a destacar las cualidades del candidato presidencial demócrata estadunidense Barack Obama, esta vez para decir que “supera en inteligencia y serenidad” al republicano John McCain, pero el ex presidente cubano sigue sin reaccionar a la anunciada intención del senador por Illinois de intentar un diálogo con La Habana “sin precondiciones”.

El pasado 26 de mayo Castro había dicho que Obama es “desde el punto de vista social y humano, el más avanzado candidato” presidencial en Estados Unidos, pero rechazó la mayor parte de la política del demócrata hacia la isla.

Este domingo, el ex presidente cubano dijo en un artículo que, con el “profundo racismo” de Estados Unidos, “de puro milagro” Obama no ha sido asesinado, como los líderes negros Martin Luther King y Malcolm X hace cuatro décadas. “Tiene además el hábito de mirar al adversario con serenidad y reírse de los aprietos dialécticos de un oponente que mira hacia el vacío”.

Castro, de 82 años y ausente de la vida pública por enfermedad desde julio de 2006, dedicó cinco comentarios a McCain en febrero pasado y luego otro en junio. En la misma línea de descalificaciones, el domingo añadió que el republicano “cultiva su fama de hombre belicoso, fue uno de los peores alumnos de su curso en West Point. No sabía nada de matemáticas, según confiesa y es de suponer que mucho menos de las complicadas ciencias económicas”.

Luego dijo que “lo que más abunda en McCain son los años y su salud no es en lo absoluto segura”. Así evocó la “eventual posibilidad” de que, si triunfara el republicano y muere o queda incapacitado, sería remplazado por la “inexperta” candidata a la vicepresidencia, Sarah Palin.

En su artículo de mayo, Castro había dicho que “haría un enorme favor a sus adversarios” si defendiera a Obama, pero quedan claros sus elogios al demócrata y sus ataques a McCain, un esquema que en algunos núcleos, como el anticastrismo radical de la Florida, puede ser un arma electoral de los republicanos.

El diario oficial Granma está registrando la campaña con un tono notablemente mesurado y analítico, sin la metralla de adjetivos que acostumbra la propaganda oficial, a través de artículos del experimentado diplomático y ex jefe de la Sección de Intereses de Cuba en Washington (1977-1989), Ramón Sánchez-Parodi.

En un discurso en Miami, en mayo, Obama hizo la que hasta ahora es su más detallada exposición sobre su eventual política hacia Cuba, que incluye la fórmula de “diplomacia directa, tanto con amigos como con adversarios, sin precondiciones”.

Aunque aún falta el resultado electoral y el desempeño efectivo del futuro jefe de la Casa Blanca, ese pasaje se relaciona con el reclamo, reiterado por el presidente Raúl Castro el 26 de julio de 2007, de que Washington decida si mantendrá la confrontación “o acepta el ramo de olivo que extendimos (en diciembre de 2006), cuando reafirmamos la disposición a discutir en pie de igualdad el prolongado diferendo”.

Más tarde, el 31 de julio de 2007, Fidel Castro escribió que “nadie se haga la menor ilusión de que el imperio, que lleva en sí los genes de su propia destrucción, negociará con Cuba”.

En su artículo de mayo último, Fidel rechazó la intención de Obama de prolongar el bloqueo económico y reaccionó ácidamente a la promesa del demócrata de liberar los viajes a la isla de los cubanos residentes en Estados Unidos, así como el envío de remesas a sus familiares, ahora todo ello sometido a fuertes restricciones.

“El discurso del candidato Obama se puede traducir en una fórmula de hambre para la nación, las remesas como limosnas y las visitas a Cuba en propaganda para el consumismo y el modo de vida insostenible que lo sustenta”, dijo entonces Fidel Castro

Facing students to Calderon at the palace, the EMP leads to the judge

Increpan When President Felipe Calderón praised the Indian Euphrosyne Cruz lifted because the voice in their community and defended the right of women to vote, Leonardo Andres Gomez Emilsson, a student of 18 who had received the hands of the president's National Youth Award , Stood on the podium, raised his arms and shout: "spurious".

The Executive continued with his speech while two elements of the Presidential placed behind the couple, one of them took the arm and told him: "Calm down!".

Just a few seconds had elapsed when Marco Jimenez Santiago, who was among the audience, exclaimed: "there is no freedom in this country, no freedom!", So that two other elements of the EMP approached him, took the arm and took him away, while Calderon warned that unlike 1968, "one of the saddest moments" of history, and now there is freedom "can give performances like this.

"Today Mexico, as just see again, has spaces of freedom and tolerance that then would have been unimaginable. It has solid democratic institutions, founded on freedom and pluralism of ideas, "expressing met a day after the 40th anniversary of the massacre of Tlatelolco. Following the ceremony, 15 of the 16 award-winning took the official photo with the president.

Gomez missed just Emilsson, who won the recognition of academic merit and was the first to receive it, because at that time was taken by an arm of the military, who told him: "you come with me," and when the boy asked where wearing, the response was "here to the corner." And he was taken to an office of the National Palace, where he and another protester remained incommunicado, were questioned and photographed until, finally, in a patrol both were referred to court civic number 33, where they came because the Presidency of the Republic does not charges raised against him.

But for nearly two hours was a story of confusion in the courtyards of the National Palace. The winner's father, Luis Gomez, an academic from the Faculty of Political Science at the UNAM, was going from one place to another without anyone to report the whereabouts of her son.

"Here I am going to be, the president is talking about freedom of expression and simply because my son said he did not agree what got in the act. I find it regrettable, "he said while elements of the EMP prevented it from passage and pushing to the press not to cross the central courtyard. At that time, Calderon was already gone, as was Secretary of Public Education, Josefina Vazquez Mota, who departed in haste to attend the Youth Parliament.

The only staff member present was the director of the Instituto Mexicano de la Juventud (Imj), Priscila Vera, who face questions from reporters only responded with silence. "I passed along," repeated while looking away from reporters and even tried to get away from the father of award-winning student, but he said: "We are not going to disappear, please ... is the only one who is here.

" Meanwhile, in an office of the National Palace, the elements of the EMP were questioning. "When I was arrested I twisted his arm, I took the key and left me in solitary about an hour and a half," he said after Marco Jimenez. Then explained what led to the corner of a room, it sat in a chair and asked him a credential. "I said: 'chingada how you got here.

You were invited? "I told them that we recorded a project (in Imj) and that left us enter, then asked for the list and made a mess", was the youngest graduate of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters at UNAM. He continued his story: "and I told them who they were, as if they were presidential guards, and they told me 'you worth mothers'. I was very nervous and I asked one of the heads that where I am going to carry. I said: 'You worth mothers, you are going to get out of here and now you talk to the PFP', then put three guards were not armed.

I wondered what I would do, where to bore me, why I had stopped and they answered me: ask your petty conscience. " Followed by questions that came up the other couple. "They made me sit down and aggressively asked me where and why I'm studying. I told them they already had that information, because I received the prize. And then I took photographs, "Gomez would also Emilsson. After 40 minutes of not having information about his son, Gomez finally came together with the holder of Imj to an office adjacent to the Mariana Puerta, and was not seen leaving the press.

At the edge of one of the afternoon, ie hour and a half after it began, an official of the Presidency of the Republic explained that they were in "the agency number 33 of the Public Ministry" and would shortly be issued a communique. Puzzled, grandparents of the young, Ingvar Emilsson, also of the UNAM academic, and Oliva Sanchez boarded a taxi and were looking for their relatives.

The court found in the civic number 33, in the Pino Suarez subway station, but no one yet knew what would happen to them. By then, Los Pinos had already informed that make no charges against them. Within minutes, officers of the court civic and informed them that they could withdraw. "There was a withdrawal, which seems logical to me, after the detainees were illegal," said Luis Gomez.

A commander named Raul Olvera still had explained that violated the Law on Civic Culture. "But the president gave instructions not to punish them, as the boy the only thing he did was say the sentiment."

Increpan estudiantes a Calderón en Palacio; el EMP los lleva ante el juez

“¡Espurio; no hay libertad!”, le gritaron durante la entrega del Premio Nacional de la Juventud.

Cuando el presidente Felipe Calderón elogiaba a la indígena Eufrosina Cruz porque alzó la voz en su comunidad y defendió el derecho de las mujeres al voto, Andrés Leonardo Gómez Emilsson, estudiante de 18 años que había recibido de manos del mandatario el Premio Nacional de la Juventud, se puso de pie en el podio, alzó los brazos y grito: “¡espurio!”.

El Ejecutivo siguió con su discurso mientras dos elementos del Estado Mayor Presidencial se colocaban detrás del joven; uno de ellos lo tomó del brazo y le ordenó: “¡cálmate!” .

Apenas habían transcurrido unos segundos cuando Marco Jiménez Santiago, quien se encontraba entre el auditorio, exclamó: “¡no hay libertad en este país, no hay libertad!”, por lo que otros dos elementos del EMP se acercaron a él, lo tomaron del brazo y se lo llevaron, mientras Calderón advertía que a diferencia de 1968, “uno de los momentos más tristes” de la historia, ahora hay libertad y “se pueden dar espectáculos como éste.

“Hoy México, como se acaba de ver nuevamente, tiene espacios de libertad y tolerancia que entonces hubieran sido inimaginables. Tiene instituciones democrática sólidas, fundamentadas en la libertad y en la pluralidad de las ideas”, expresaba un día después de cumplirse el 40 aniversario de la matanza de Tlatelolco.

Concluida la ceremonia, 15 de los 16 premiados se tomaron la foto oficial con el Presidente. Sólo faltó Gómez Emilsson, quien obtuvo el reconocimiento de mérito académico e incluso fue el primero en recibirlo, porque en ese momento fue tomado del brazo por uno de los militares, quien le dijo: “tú te vienes conmigo”, y cuando el muchacho preguntó adónde lo llevaban, la respuesta fue: “aquí a la esquinita”.

Y fue conducido a una oficina de Palacio Nacional, donde él y el otro manifestante permanecieron incomunicados, fueron interrogados y fotografiados hasta que, finalmente, en una patrulla ambos fueron remitidos al juzgado cívico número 33, de donde salieron porque la Presidencia de la República no levantó cargos en su contra.

Pero durante casi dos horas se dio una historia de confusiones en los patios de Palacio Nacional.
El padre del galardonado, Luis Gómez, académico de la Facultad de Ciencias Políticas de la UNAM, iba de un lado a otro sin que nadie le informara el paradero de su hijo. “Aquí me voy a quedar; el Presidente está hablando de la libertad de expresión y simplemente porque mi hijo dijo que no está de acuerdo lo sacaron del acto. Me parece lamentable”, decía mientras elementos del EMP le impedían el paso y empujaban a la prensa para que no cruzara el patio central.

A esa hora, Calderón ya se había ido, lo mismo que la secretaria de Educación Pública, Josefina Vázquez Mota, quien salió apresurada para asistir al Parlamento Infantil.

La única funcionaria presente era la directora del Instituto Mexicano de la Juventud (IMJ), Priscila Vera, quien ante las preguntas de los reporteros sólo respondía con el silencio. “Me permiten pasar”, repetía mientras buscaba escabullirse entre los reporteros, e incluso intentó alejarse del padre del alumno premiado, pero éste le dijo: “no se vaya a desaparecer, por favor... es la única que está aquí”.

Mientras tanto, en una oficina de Palacio Nacional, los elementos del EMP hacían su interrogatorio.

“Cuando me detuvieron me torcieron el brazo, me hicieron la llave y me dejaron incomunicado aproximadamente una hora y media”, refirió después Marco Jiménez.

Luego –explicó– lo llevaron al rincón de un cuarto, lo sentaron en una silla y le pidieron una credencial. “Me dijeron: ‘cómo chingados llegaste aquí. ¿Fuiste invitado?’ Yo les dije que registramos un proyecto (en el IMJ) y que nos dejaron entrar; luego pidieron la lista y se hizo un caos”, contó el joven egresado de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la UNAM.

Continuó su relato: “y les dije que quiénes eran, que si eran guardias presidenciales, y me dijeron ‘te vale madres’. Estaba muy nervioso y le pregunté a uno de los jefes que adónde me iban a llevar. Me dijeron: ‘te vale madres, te vamos a sacar de aquí y ahorita le hablamos a la PFP’; entonces metieron a tres guardias que no iban armados. Les preguntaba qué me iban a hacer, a dónde me llevaban, por qué me tenían detenido y ellos me contestaron: pregúntale a tu pinche conciencia”.

Siguieron las preguntas hasta que entró el otro joven. “Hicieron que me sentara y me preguntaron agresivamente dónde y por qué estoy estudiando. Yo les decía que ya tenían esa información, porque recibí el premio. Y luego me tomaron fotografías”, contaría también Gómez Emilsson.

Después de 40 minutos de no tener información sobre su hijo, Gómez finalmente entró junto con la titular del IMJ a una oficina contigua a la Puerta Mariana, y ya no fue visto salir por la prensa.
Al filo de la una de la tarde, es decir, hora y media después de que empezó todo, un funcionario de la Presidencia de la República explicó que se encontraban en “la agencia número 33 del Ministerio Público” y que en breve se emitiría un comunicado.

Desconcertados, los abuelos del joven, Ingvar Emilsson, también académico de la UNAM, y Oliva Sánchez, abordaron un taxi y fueron en busca de sus familiares.
Los encontraron en el juzgado cívico número 33, en la estación del Metro Pino Suárez, pero nadie sabía aún qué pasaría con ellos. Para entonces, Los Pinos ya había informado que no formularía cargos contra ellos.
En cuestión de minutos, los agentes del juzgado cívico les informaron que ya podían retirarse. “Hubo un desistimiento, lo cual me parece lógico, después de que los tuvieron detenidos ilegalmente”, expresó Luis Gómez.

Un comandante de nombre Raúl Olvera todavía explicó que habían violentado la Ley de Cultura Cívica. “Pero el señor Presidente giró instrucciones para que no se les sancionara, ya que el muchacho lo único que hizo fue decir su sentir”.

OCTOBER 2 DO NOT FORGET AND CONTINUE FIGHTING.

40 years ago, before the students' claims of openness, fairness and sensitivity, the regime resorted to the Mexican political crime against humanity to safeguard its authoritarianism and its obstinacy.

The movement of 68 was replaced in the following years, for the efforts of democratizing the left and right, as well as by organizations of the slaughter perpetrated on October 2 in Tlatelolco concluded the impossibility of transforming the public power in a peaceful manner . To cope with such attempts, the governments of Luis Echeverria Alvarez and José López Portillo did not appeal to the laws and institutions in place, but organized illegal repressive apparatus put in place in Mexican territory, methods similar to those of the military dictatorships of Central and South America: the forced disappearance, illegal imprisonment, torture and murder of those involved in the guerrilla groups, their families and even people outside the armed struggle.

Four decades later, society has undergone a profound transformation civic and political life, thanks in part to national reflection on the events that led referrals: the country is today a much more conscious citizens of their political rights, more participatory, more tolerant, more accustomed to the puralidad and more critical of the authority in 1968. In contrast, the government has evolved a lot less, and it has forced by circumstances and by social pressure, reluctantly and with haggling. The old PRI monolithism was replaced by cupulares negotiations that are imposed whenever they can on the progress of federalism, the division of powers and culture of legality. The federal executive has lost many of the mechanisms of political control that holds in times of Diaz Ordaz, those so-called "meta-powers" - but has kept intact the arrogance and insensitivity that characterized the old chairs.

In 1988, before the electoral insurgency that was articulated around the candidacy of Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, the government of Miguel de la Madrid resorted to massive distortion of citizen suffrage, and only two years ago, the PAN candidate Vicente Fox worked to exercise it he considered his right to impose a successor in office. With a much less legitimacy, but the inertia of the old authoritarian characteristics presidentialism, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa is now seeking to impose on the country privatization of the oil industry that is rejected by a significant portion of the citizenry and that while it is desirable for the environment business-particularly for foreign companies, goes against the basic national interests.

The backlog of political leaders is crucial to persist today some of the most aggravating features of the old regime and against which the students marched four decades ago. One example is the long-standing impunity for those who, from power, commit abuses against citizens and that is expressed precisely in the absence of justice before the crimes of 68: Echeverria for Calderón, seven presidents have covered up and protected the Responsible intellectuals from the barbarity of Tlatelolco, as we said yesterday, in a message to the Mexican government, the humanitarian organization Amnesty International (AI). At 40 years of that event, the lack of clarification "has left a very deep wound in the town of Mexico" and persist "obstacles that impede bring those responsible to justice," says the letter signed by Karrie Howard, assistant director Agenda for the Americas of AI.

Another inescapable burden that the current drag Mexico last four decades is the criminalization of dissent, repression of opposition political and social violence to free expression since the leaders of the institutions. Are instructive in this regard, the existence of political prisoners in the jails of the country, leaders and activists in San Salvador Atenco and Oaxaca's popular movement, for example, as well as the untenable decision of the Federal Electoral Institute to impose a fine to millionaire Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) for the protest that supporters of former presidential candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador protagonists in the Paseo de la Reforma and the Zocalo this capital in August and September 2006, after presidential disaster of that year .

On Oct. 2, 1968 are not ever forget, but it is possible and desirable to close the wound left by the brutal repression and mass murder ordered by a presidential arrogance, insensitive and authoritarian. This requires clarification and to do justice, and to have a government that guarantees the country and the world that such horrific events will not be repeated ever again.